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| Written by Manfred Hauke | |||
| Monday, 08 June 2009 19:27 | |||
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It is evident here, that the concept of "Incarnation" also embraces the death of the incarnate God on the Cross. Recent research on the soteriology of Gregory of Nazianzus has shown that, among the saving events, he lays principal stress on the Cross (and Resurrection).1 This situation, at least the terminology, is typical for the Greek Fathers: the concept of "Incarnation" can connote the whole life of Christ until His glorification by Resurrection.2 Sometimes there is really a greater stress on the Incarnation than on the Easter event. For instance, Gregory of Nyssa proposes a radical theory of Apokatastasis: the salvation of all rational creatures is described as a necessary process guiding everyone into the heavenly Paradise.3 But such a thesis cannot be demonstrated from the writings of earlier authors, such as Irenaeus or Athanasius, who accentuate Incarnation against Gnosticism and Arianism. When speaking soteriologically of "Incarnation," we do not intend an isolated event which is only a "presupposition" of the Redemption, but rather the beginning of the redemptive process itself, a process including the Cross and the Resurrection. A well-known example of such underscoring of the Incarnation is Irenaeus. For the Bishop of Lyons, the principal trait of man's original state in Paradise is "life," whereas the main characteristic of man's fallen condition after the first sin is "death." "Life" and "death" do not only refer to the body, but also and primarily to man's spiritual situation: participation in the life of God and its loss by Adam's sin for all his descendants.4 For Paradise, the concept of "life" is more important than "grace," whereas for the fallen condition, the idea of "death" has a greater importance than "sin." The Incarnation of the Son of God was denied by Gnosticism and Arianism, two heresies which greatly determined the course of the doctrinal struggle in the ancient Church. For this reason, Jesus' real humanity (against the Gnostics) and His real divinity (against the Arians) had to be underscored. Especially in the second century, the Church opposed Docetism and Gnosticism, whereas the Council of Nicaea, in the early fourth century, condemned Arius. The Council of Ephesus in the fifth century, with its definition of the title "Theotokos," stressed the hypostatic union in Christ against the separation of the two natures proposed by Nestorius. Later in the same century the Council of Chalcedon, culminating point of ancient Christology, refutes Monophysism and teaches a union of the two natures which neither confuses nor separates them. These battles on the Christological constitution of Christ naturally concentrated theological attention on Incarnation and on the person of Christ, whereas the distinctive features of His saving work were not explicated in the ancient Councils.5 For this reason also, the figure of Mary is expressly contemplated only in the horizon of Incarnation. Her association with the sacrifice of Christ on the Cross is not yet an explicit object of study. This kind of soteriological study will only begin in medieval times-first in the East, and then still more, in the West.6 Nevertheless, we should not undervalue for soteriological study, the importance of Incarnation, which virtually embraces the saving events to follow upon it. Mary's role as New Eve under the Cross is prepared by Her virginal obedience which made possible the event of Incarnation. The Fathers, beginning with Justin and Irenaeus, stress clearly the saving role of Mary's consent at the Annunciation. St. Jerome employs the lapidary adage: "Death through Eve, life through Mary."7 The maternity of Mary, who bears the Son of God, has as its final effect the spiritual life of the adopted children of God. In this sense, we find from the fourth century the title "Mother of the living," attributed to Eve in the book of Genesis (Gen 3:20), applied to Mary. Epiphanius of Salamis states: "from Eve "comes the origin of all mankind on earth. The Virgin Mary, on the contrary, has really introduced life itself into the world by having begotten the One who lives, and so She has become the Mother of the living."8 3. 2 The Death on the Cross The death of the Savior on the Cross is decisive even for those theologians who focus their attention on the Incarnation. Irenaeus, for instance, describes the Passion of Christ with his theory of "recapitulation": by his obedience on the wood Jesus cured the primordial disobedience at the wood;9 through the "economy of the Cross" we rediscover the Word of God lost by Adam's sin.10 A problematic tendency begins with the Patristic reception of the platonic idea according to which the universe is structured by the Greek letter chi,11 a cosmological speculation interpreted as a figure of the Cross present everywhere in the world. This idea already is noticeable in Justin,12 but is strongly emphasized by Gregory of Nyssa where its significance relegates to second place the importance of Redemption, based on the historical event of the Passion.13 According to Gregory of Nyssa, the death of Christ was "necessary" because the Cross is already inscribed in the cosmos. Here we encounter a quasi Gnostic speculation leading to the Apokatastasis which logically follows with ontological necessity.14 A better presentation of the importance of the Cross can be found especially in Augustine: according to him the redemptive work of Christ "for us" is based, first of all, on the Passion and the death of Christ. He does not deny the importance of Incarnation and Resurrection, but under the influence of Saint Paul, he gives a certain prominence to the Cross. The Passion of Christ is seen as victory over death, sin, and the devil, as sacrifice of reconciliation and as justification of the sinner.15 In the time of the Fathers, we find only a very few hints about the importance of Mary's compassion under the Cross.16 An observation of Origen could be interpreted as a reference to the spiritual maternity of Mary, but this topic is only developed in later times.17 The saving obedience of Mary as New Eve is not yet extended to the Passion, but remains centered on the Annunciation and, thus, on Incarnation. 3. 3 The Resurrection of Christ In regard to the Resurrection of Christ, the Patristic tradition repeats the biblical affirmations, reflects on the apologetic importance of the event, and illustrates its consequences for the Resurrection of redeemed mankind at the end of time.18 As a typical example setting the saving importance of the Resurrection of Christ in relief, the homilies of Leo the Great are worth examination. According to Leo, Easter signals victory over the evil powers and the glorification of the Lord. It shows what will be made manifest at the end of time in redeemed mankind.19 In this description, we note how the Resurrection of Christ acts as efficient cause of our salvation, but also as an exemplary cause,as this feature is expressed in the terminology later adopted by Thomas Aquinas.20 The saving aspect of the Resurrection of Christ is presented with special vigor by Augustine, who attributes to it, two effects: "The resurrection of souls is effected by the eternal and unchangeable substance of the Father and Son. But the Resurrection of bodies is effected through the new dispensation or economy based on the Son's humanity, a dispensation which is temporal, not co-eternal with the Father."21 Or in other words: it is Christ as God who brings to pass the spiritual resurrection of souls; whereas the bodily resurrection at the end of the time, originates from Christ in His humanity. In the Augustinian context, it is sufficiently clear that saving efficacy on souls is not wanting in the humanity of Christ: it is the incarnate Word who produces the resurrection of souls; yet, He does so as God and not as man. Hence, the Resurrection of Christ does not appear with sufficient clarity as the fountain of our salvation.22 During the age of the Fathers, some voices were heard saying that the resurrected Christ appeared also to His Mother, Mary,23 but this fact cannot be regarded as cooperation in His saving activity. Such an association in the work of the resurrected Christ, nevertheless, can be shown by Mary's bodily assumption into heaven, a tradition which manifests itself with special vigor from the fifth century. A link between assumption and mediation is shown by Theotechnus of Livias, around the year 600. He is the first certain source to affirm the Immaculate Conception of the Mother of God. The immaculate origin of Mary, from the very first moment of Her life, and Her Assumption into heavenly glory, makes Her capable of interceding on our behalf: She became "ambassador (presbís) of mankind to the immaculate King who has erased the condemnation leveled against us";24 She has been assumed into heaven as "Mediatrix of all" (presbís pánton).25 Footnotes1. Cf. Hauke, Heilsverlust (note 6) 561. [back]2. Cf. J.-P. Jossua, Le Salut. Incarnation ou Mystère Pascal. Chez les Pères de l'Église de saint Irénée à saint Léon le Grand, Paris 1968, 16-18. [back] 3. Cf. Hauke, Heilsverlust (note 6) 621-623. 674-675. [back] 4. Hauke, Heilsverlust (note 6) 213-214. 235-240. [back] 5. For the historical development of the Christological dogma, see A. Grillm eier, Christ in Christian Tradition I, II/1, II/2, II/4, London 1975, 1987, 1995, 1996 (German original); A. Amato, Gesù il Signore. Saggio di cristologia, Bologna 1999, 215-367. [back] 6. Cf. Hauke, Cooperazione attiva (note 21) 168-170. [back] 7. Jerome, Ep. 22,21 (CSEL 54, 173). [back] 8. Epiphanius, Adv. Haer. 78,18 (PG 42, 728 C). Cf. also O'Carr oll (note 17) 135. 140. [back] 9. Irenaeus, Adv. haer. V,16,3 (SC 153, 218). [back] 10. Irenaeus, Adv. haer. V,17,4 (SC 153, 232). Cf. Hauke, Heilsverlust (note 6) 264. [back] 11. Cf. Plato, Timaios 36b-c. [back] 12. Justin, I Apol. 60 (ed. Goodspeed 69). [back] 13. Cf. D.L. Balas, The Meaning of the „Cross" (De Tridui Spatio p. 298,19- 303,12), in A. Spira-C. Klock (eds.), The Easter Sermons of Gregory of Nyssa. Translation and Commentary, Cambridge, Mass. 1981, 305-318; Hauke, Heilsverlust (note 6) 675-676; G. Maspero, Croce, in L.F. Mateo- Seco-G. Maspero (eds.), Gregorio di Nissa. Dizionario, Roma 2007, 177- 180. [back] 14. Cf. Hauke, Heilsverlust (note 6) 621-623. 675. [back] 15. Cf. Studer (note 1) 166-171. [back] 16. See Gamb ero (note 22) (index s.v. "Mary-Calvary"). [back] 17. Origen, In Joh. com. I,6 (PG 14, 32 A-B; GCS Origenes X, 8-9); cf. O'Carr oll (note 17) 275; A.M. Apoll onio, La consacrazione a Maria, in Immaculata Mediatrix 1 (3/2001) 49-101 (64-66). [back] 18. Cf. R. Staats, Auferstehung II/2 Alte Kirche, in TRE (= Theologische Realenzyklopädie) 4 (1979) 513-529; H. Crouzel-V. Grossi, Risurrezione dei morti, in DPAC (= Dizionario patristico e di antichità cristiane) II (1984) 2994-98. [back]
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